中日关系在1998-2008年出现了长达10年冰冻期，2010年胡锦涛最后一次访日后，中国领导人再未正式访问日本。说2010年以后中日关系进入看不见尽头的“冰河期”，毫不为过。
尽管在政治上处于冰河期，经济上却打得火热，因为日本企业不仅不支持日本政府的去风险化政策，反而加大依赖中国市场。
2022年，日本对中国出口贸易占日本市场份额21%（如果再加上4.7%出口到香港就更高），远超过日本出口到美国市场的出口量。与此同时，日本从中国进口差不多要占到日本进口总量的四分之一，也远超过日本从美国（10.7%）和澳洲（6.8%）的进口总量。
日本汽车巨头丰田公司在美国销售持续萎缩，但是在中国却年年攀升，到2020年，中国市场给丰田公司贡献的业绩占总销售额的20.68%。
根据《日经亚洲》2024年7月10日的说法，日本有约40%进口商品过度依赖单一伙伴国家，尤其是中国，比例远远超过对其他G7国家。
根据洛伊国际政策研究所（Lowy Institute for International Policy）今年早前发布的报告，尽管东京方面努力推进去风险化政策，但是日本企业不配合，日本政府无法说服日本企业调整经营战略，这使得日本政府在去风险化上经常前后矛盾和不一致。
日本要成功实现去风险化，还需要去盟友国家和其他海外市场开拓新市场，只有在减轻对中国市场的依赖程度之后日本政府才可能放开手脚来调整对华政策。就目前来看，日本企业是阻挠日本政策转向的最大阻力。
On a Chinese short video platform, in the comments section under the news coverage about the death of the Japanese boy, a large number of Chinese netizens celebrated the boy's death. Many of them even frequently posted comments such as "Salute to the hero (the killer).”
A 10-year-old Japanese boy was fatally stabbed by an unidentified assailant in Shenzhen, China. To date, not a single Chinese media outlet has reported on the boy's death, and even avoided mentioning comments from the Chinese Foreign Ministry’s Regular Press Conference. We learned from Japanese news websites that the Chinese spokesperson neither expressed condolences to the victim's family nor condemned the violence, stating instead that such incidents could take place in any country.
The notion that Deng Xiaoping reestablished the collective leadership in the CPC is a misconception. A closer examination of the historical context reveals that the collective leadership was restored due to the power vacuum created by Mao Zedong's death.
Even though Deng Xiaoping held the highest de facto power, his nominal position was not that of the supreme leader. The restoration of collective leadership in the CPC was a result of the severe disruption of the power balance caused by Maoist totalitarianism, and none of the CPC leaders who succeeded Mao possessed sufficient power to be considered a de jure supreme leader.
In the post-Xi Jinping era, the CPC may face a similar dilemma: in the absence of an absolute leader, the successor may lack the power to control the overall situation.
Prior to his rehabilitation, Deng Xiaoping wrote a few letters to the Central Committee of the CPC, often expressing obsequious sentiments towards Hua Guofeng. However, upon his return to power, Deng swiftly orchestrated a political manoeuvre to oust Hua from the centre of power.
Post-totalitarian Leninist regimes face the dual challenge of weak central authority and the ambitions of power-hungry individuals. Should these individuals resort to ruthless purges to consolidate power, a new era of totalitarianism could emerge.
